• By Aditya Sinha
  • Mon, 23 Mar 2026 09:29 PM (IST)
  • Source:Aditya Sinha

Wars are usually paid for in two currencies: blood and money. The Iran war, now entering its fourth week, has generated both uncomfortable quantities. But there is a third currency that wars exact, the kind that shows up not on battlefields or in military budgets, but in grocery bills, petrol queues, and factory shutdowns. That currency is now being collected, and the receipt is longer than most people expected.

Start with the direct cost. The war cost the United States $11.3 billion in its first week alone. Washington is now seeking $200 billion more in emergency military funding, more than all the money the American government spent on food aid for its own lower-income families last year. That number sits on top of a regular annual defence budget of $838 billion. An Iranian missile struck a $77-million fighter jet this week. It landed safely. The balance sheet has not been as fortunate.

The more consequential cost, however, is the one no defence budget covers. When the United States and Israel struck Iran on February 28, Iran responded by effectively closing the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow waterway through which a fifth of the world's oil normally passes every day. Think of it as a pipe. One-fifth of the world's oil flows through this pipe. Iran has blocked the pipe.

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Gulf oil production has since fallen by ten million barrels a day. Ships carrying oil through the strait have dropped to less than ten per cent of pre-war levels. Oil prices moved from $72 a barrel to over $113 in a matter of weeks. The world's leading energy agency called it the largest supply disruption in the history of the global oil market.

What does a $113 barrel of oil mean for an ordinary family? It means petrol costs more. Cooking gas costs more. Everything made in a factory, transported in a truck, or grown with fertiliser costs more. Every ten per cent rise in oil prices pushes up general inflation by roughly 0.4 percentage points. Oil has risen by more than fifty per cent since the war began.

Then there is the gas shock. Qatar supplies roughly a fifth of the world's liquefied natural gas, the fuel that powers factories, heats homes, and makes fertiliser across Asia and Europe. Its main gas facility was struck twice in March: first by a drone, then by ballistic missiles on the night of March 18. The damage has extended what would have been weeks of disruption into months, possibly longer. There is no strategic reserve for LNG anywhere in the world. When the pipe is cut, there is no backup tank.

The consequences are already appearing on dining tables and in fields. Urea jumped thirty-two per cent in price in just six days. India's kharif planting season is upon us. The food price consequences of this month's disruptions will appear on dinner tables later this year. They are being planted into the soil right now.

Could this tip the world into recession? A recession means the economy shrinks, factories produce less, companies hire fewer people, and incomes fall. The honest answer, which most economists are reluctant to say publicly, is: possibly, yes.

Before the war even began, leading economic indicators had placed the probability of a global recession at roughly 49% over the next twelve months. Since the war started, those odds have moved closer to fifty-fifty. Some banks estimate the risk at around twenty-five per cent. Others put it at thirty-five. One major research firm puts the odds of a global recession at one-in-six. The range is wide, but the direction is the same. Every major economic downturn since the Second World War (except the pandemic) was preceded by a sudden spike in oil prices. Oil has spiked.

The world's leading central banks are now caught in an uncomfortable position. Raising interest rates fights inflation but slows growth. Cutting interest rates supports growth but risks letting inflation run. This week, the US Federal Reserve voted to do neither, to hold rates exactly where they are. That is not a sign of confidence. It is a sign of uncertainty.

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The second-order effects are already visible in places few are watching. Real estate developers are flagging project delays because tiles (made using gas) are in short supply. Tyre manufacturers cannot source the petroleum-based materials they need. Workers are leaving textile clusters because fuel is unavailable. Across industries, companies are running on stored inventory. Those inventories do not last forever. Supply chain disruptions, one leading economist warned, "will get really extreme with every passing day."

The war's planners set out to eliminate a nuclear threat. In the process, they have disrupted the energy supply that keeps the global economy running. If the disruption lasts beyond four weeks, the risk of a meaningful global recession and a four-to-five per cent hit to world GDP becomes very real.

The bill does not arrive in a single envelope. It comes in petrol receipts, and grocery bills, and factory shutdowns, and recession probability models inching toward fifty per cent. The economists tracking these things are reluctant to say the word. The data is not.

(The author is a public policy analyst. Views are personal.)


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